The main aim of hazard management should be to reduce the effects of hazards, not manage their cause

Hazard management ultimately aims to reduce the risk that a hazard can bring to humans. This can be done through the four steps of modifying the cause, event, vulnerability and loss. I believe that the cause of many natural hazards, such as geophysical and meteorological hazards cannot prevented, thus the management of the cause of a hazard is irrelevant in the management of many hazards. As such, it should be the case that the main aim of hazard management should be to reduce the effects of hazards rather than manage their cause. The issue of reducing the effect of hazards would be discussed in the four parts of the hazard management framework. I agree with the statement to a large extent that hazard management should not be centered on managing the cause. The few ways in which the cause of the hazard can be modified will be discussed. Although the most ideal method would be to prevent the occurrence of the event in the first place, to stop a hazard from occurring entirely is a feat that usually would be only be feasible in terms of small scale, isolated phenomena, taking the example of a flood. Floods are examples of small scale hazards that can be prevented through technological means. Often, levees can be built to prevent a river from overflowing, such as the levees built along the Mississippi River in North America, or the Scheldt River in the Netherlands. Also, dams can be built to retain water in a lake, and can be used to control the water flow, thus preventing rivers from overflowing too quickly. A good example of a dam that has prevented repeated flooding occurrence is the Hoover Dam along the Colorado River. It is recorded that before the building of the dam, there was frequent flooding at the low lying areas of the river during spring. While physical methods can be employed to prevent the occurrence of these isolated hazards like floods and landslides, large scale hazards such as earthquakes, tsunamis and wind storms cannot be prevented. As such, modification of the cause is highly limited to a few hazards, thus making it more feasible to consider other approaches in reducing the effects of the majority of hazards which will almost inevitably occur. While technology cannot be used to prevent the causes of all hazards, technology can also be used to modify the event. Earthquakes is a good example of a hazard where the earthquake itself does not usually cause the loss of lives, rather, it is usually its effect on other structures that causes the most destruction, such as the toppling of buildings or causing landslides. As such, a good method of earthquake management would be to equip buildings with the ability to withstand the impact of earthquakes, using various architectural designs. A famous example of an earthquake resistant building is Taipei 101, which foundation is reinforced 80 metres deep into the ground and has a steel ball known as a tuned mass damper which balances the building. During its construction in 2002, Taipei experienced a 6. 8 magnitude earthquake, and yet the skyscraper did not topple and experienced no structural damages. Sometimes, such as in certain Japanese house designs, the houses are not built to withstand earthquakes but such that it moves along with the earthquake, using grooves rather than nails to fit the house together. Furthermore, the light wood has lower probability of killing people if it topples. These different designs show how it is possible to use knowledge of engineering and architecture to reduce the impact of hazards. Modifying vulnerability is another approach to hazard management which aims to increase preparedness of people themselves to tackle the hazard when it occur, including methods such as increasing community preparedness, planning, developing warning systems, and changing perceptions. Community preparedness is essential in all communities where hazard occurrence is frequent, to train and educate people as to how to respond to a hazard and drawing out evacuation plans, and stocking up emergency supplies of food, water and medicine. Also, people can be trained in first aid, search and rescue, and firefighting, etc. In some cases, this is much more feasible than using technology, when the cost is too high. A case study of Norway, where avalanches are frequent, is a good example. Due to the fact that neither relocation nor retrofitting buildings was a feasible option, the most cost effective plan would be to decrease vulnerability. This was done mainly through setting up a warning system, and coming up with a plan to organize an evacuation, by appointing a group of representatives from each community and training the people on how to react. The plan was highly successful, showing the merit in proper planning and preparedness. In many ways the perception and awareness of the community to hazards is very important. Changing the perception of people is also essential in reducing the impacts of hazards, for negative perception by a group of people can ultimately lead many deaths, in cases where communities, especially in LEDCs, are resigned to the fact that nothing can be done to prevent hazard occurrence and that hazards are unavoidable and look upon them as a way of life. Even in MEDCs, perceptions can cause problems. There is a case where, during the evacuation for Hurricane Katrina, some of the elderly did not want evacuate, because of fear of new living conditions, or that they do not want to leave their home. This contributed to the majority of the deaths being the elderly in these events. Thus, changing the perceptions of various peoples in different cultural contexts plays a large role in hazard management, ensuring that the community would want to save themselves in the first place. In all, modifying vulnerability can ultimately lead to people knowing how to react to hazards and thus reduces the negative effects of them. In many cases, managing the cause of natural hazards may bring certain disadvantages, for most natural hazards, while posing a threat to humans, are actually only natural phenomenon, and at times have benefits to us and the environment. A very good example is the case of a flood, where people have tried to create physical barriers to contain the flood water such as levees and dams. While this may be applicable to MEDCs, for many agricultural communities, such an approach is inapplicable, for they depend on the floodplain where there is a high amount of nutrients, deposited by flooding, and supply of water. In these contexts, such as in Bangladesh, where the people depend on these floods, the prevention of the â€Å"hazard† would uproot their way of life. In this way, floods need not always be treated as negative phenomena, causing damage in only certain contexts. In my opinion, modifying the vulnerability, not the cause should be the main aim of hazard management. This holds since there are two factors contributing to risk: hazard and vulnerability. Since eliminating the hazard is totally unfeasible in many large-scale hazards, the best thing to manage should be human vulnerability. Since the main aim should be centered on that can be applicable to all communities, it should be something feasible in contexts where there is lack of economic and technological resources, thus ruling out modifying the event as a potential main aim. As such, hazard management should not be centered on technology, such as the retrofitting of buildings, but rather something like education, which is more cost effective. In all, the main aim should be to increase the resilience of the people themselves to tackle the hazard. For example, in the case of Bangladesh, people adapt to the floods and learn to use it to their own benefit, neither seeing it as a negative phenomenon, nor something they should fear. After changing any negative perceptions of hazards in communities, community preparedness is essential. A bottom up approach equips people with the ability to save their own lives rather than being dependant on others. In fact, it has been shown that this approach works much better than international aid or rescuers from the military. For example, the rescue efforts to the floods in Mozambique in 2001 was a success, not because of anything else, but more of the fact that the people were trained in how to respond, and that there was a clearly drawn out evacuation plan and appointed leaders in the community. Mozambique, though being one of the poorest countries in the world, has managed to increase community preparedness, thus showing how this approach to hazard management, may just be the most universal method of tackling hazards, which works regardless of affluence. In conclusion, it is true that hazard management should be primarily about reacting to the hazards and reducing the damage it brings, rather than trying to prevent it. Still, as technology continues to develop, we cannot eliminate it as an essential part of hazard management, for what may not be possible to prevent now, may be in the future. So, both sides of the equation must be considered to tackle risk effectively, depending on the context.

Language, Gender, and Slang

If the feminist critique of language is correct, and much of language reflects and embodies masculine and male experience (Cameron 1998, 9), then it should come as no surprise that slang, which is one particular mode of language, should reflect the same masculine and male experience.   However, it seems that little quantitative research had been done on slang directly until relatively recently. The first study was Kutner and Brogan’s research (1974), just over 30 years ago.   The object of this study is to test my peer’s knowledge of slang, and how aware they are of its usage.   One of the common ideas about slang is that slang words change fast, from generation to another;   the other is that slang is not mainstream. But where it comes to gender and slang, slang words have proven rather stable and common, even the vulgar slang – being a virgin or a whore has had meaning since time immemorial.But first, I will define slang and give a little bit of backgro und about its study since the 1970’s. What is slang?   Slang refers to worlds and dialects that are not used in mainstream culture.   As such, it can be the marker of a subculture, or of areas of discourse or ideas that are taboo in mainstream thinking.   A subset of slang are what we normally take to be slang, namely vulgar, sexualized, or derogatory language.   For the purposes of this paper, we will focus on slang that has a particularly gendered aspect – that is, words that are used to designate â€Å"male† and â€Å"female† genders in slang language.   These slang words include, but are not limited to: Chick, bitch, babe, and guy, dude, and stud. The fact that these slang words are common where it comes to talking about the relationships between the sexes, on topics such as sexual attraction and gender relations (activities and relationships).According to Flexher (1975), who produced the first dictionary of slang, the use of slang and the c reation of new slang is almost exclusively the purview of males (xii).   Women tend to use the language that is invented for them by males.   This may account for the disbalance of terms in a gendered distribution:   there are more slang terms to designate female or feminine behaviors, and more of these terms are negative, and much more negative than its male/masculine counterpart:   for example, compare bitch and asshole.   First off, you would almost never call a man a bitch unless you were trying to feminize him, but you can call women assholes without masculinizing them.   Second, bitch has a more negative charge than asshole, which might even carry a positive charge.   These are just some informal observations that may or may not holdup under the scrutiny of a quantitative study.Males may use slang more because they are more at home in all of language, and so this violation of language norms becomes possible.   There is a sense in which the use of slang is a dar ing thing to do, and doing brave things is consistent with masculine patterns of behavior and development.   Young women tend to want to abide by the rule, be these rules linguistic or otherwise.   That they are already not wholly at home in language means that they already risk not communicating, which does not afford them the room to play with language in the daring way that slang demands.   In this same vein, the use of profane language is more expected and praised of boys and men than it is of girls and women.These ideas, which could be summarized as the general thesis that gender slang is the domain of males is one that has come to be evidenced and accepted by many scholars, women, men, feminist and not, since the 1970’s.   For example, one study quoted in the text (Stanley, 1977) found that whereas there were 220 ways to designate woman in English slang, there were only 22 comparable ways to designate men.   More interesting is that both men and women share th e use of these same terms – there are not two set of slang terms, each appropriate for each gender, but only one that is determined and reflect men’s experience.   This has lead some feminists to argue that women need to develop and independent lexicon (see Irigaray in the Cameron, 1998).   And while this disparity is completely obvious once you start to think about it and investigate language and slang use, it seems to be rather transparent to the everyday language user – or at least, this is what this project has set out to test.BibliographyCameron, Deborah.   (1998) The Feminist Critique of Language.   New York, Routledge.de Klerk, V. (1992). How taboo are taboo words for girls? Language in Society, 21, 277-289.Eckert and McConnell-Ginet. (2003)   Language and Gender.   New York:   Cambridge University Press.Flexner, S. B. (1975). Preface to the dictionary of American slang. In H. Wentworth & S. B. Flexner (Eds.), Dictionary of American slang. N ew York: Thomas Y. Crowell.Kutner, N. G., & Brogan, D. (1974). An investigation of sex-related slang vocabulary and sex-role orientation among male and female university students. J of Marr and the Family, 36, 474-484.Risch, B. (1987). Women's derogatory terms for men: That's right, â€Å"dirty† words. Language in Society, 16, 353-358.

Adventure tourism

Adventure tourism is a type of niche tourism involving exploration or travel to remote areas, where the traveler should expect the unexpected. Adventure tourism is rapidly growing in popularity as tourists seek unusual holidays, different from the typical beach vacation. Mountaineering expeditions, trekking, bungee jumping, rafting and rock climbing are frequently cited as an examples of adventure tourism. Adventure travel is a type of tourism, involving exploration or travel with perceived (and possibly actual) risk, and potentially requiring specialized skills and physical exertion. Adventure tourism is rapidly growing in popularity, as tourists seek different kinds of vacations. According to the U. S. based Adventure Travel Trade Association, adventure travel may be any tourist activity, including two of the following three components: a physical activity, a cultural exchange or interaction and engagement with nature. Adventure tourists may be motivated to achieve mental states characterized as rush or flow,[1] resulting from stepping outside of their comfort zone. This may be from experiencing culture shock or through the performance of acts, that require significant effort and involve some degree of risk (real or perceived) and/or physical danger (See extreme sports). This may include activities such as mountaineering, trekking, bungee jumping, mountain biking, rafting, zip-lining, paragliding, and rock climbing. Some obscure forms of adventure travel include disasterand ghetto tourism. [2] Other rising forms of adventure travel include social and jungle tourism. Adventure travel involves exploration or travel to remote exotic areas. Adventure tourism is rapidly growing in popularity as a tourist seeks different kinds of vacations. Any constructive activity which tests the endurance of both a person and his equipment to its extreme limit is termed as Adventure. Adventure travel involves exploration or travel to remote exotic areas. Adventure tourism is rapidly growing in popularity as a tourist seeks different kinds of vacations. Any constructive activity which tests the endurance of both a person and his equipment to its extreme limit is termed as Adventure. India Offers a wide range of adventure sports for tourists. Trekking and Skiing in the Himalayas, White Water Rafting on the Ganges and Beas, Camel and Jeep safaris in the deserts of Rajasthan, Paragliding in Himachal, Watersports in Goa and Scuba Diving in Lakshadweep and Andaman are just some of the options available to the adventure seeking tourists. The perennial challenge of the Himalayas for mountaineers. Coniferous forests and flower meadows welcome the trekker. And the rapids of snow-fed rivers are ideal for white water rafting. Lakshadweep offers excellent wind surfing, snorkelling and scuba diving in the crystal clear waters of the lagoons which surround each island. Initiatives of Ministry ot Tourism to Promote Adventure Tourism As per the policy for the diversification of tourism product of India, special attention is being given for the development of Adventure Tourism in the country. The Ministry of Tourism has also issued Guidelines for Approval of Adventure Tour Operators, which is a voluntary scheme, open to all bonafide adventure tour operators. The Ministry of Tourism has also formulated a set of guidelines on Safety and Quality Norms on Adventure Tourism as BASIC MINIMUM STANDARDS FOR ADVENTURE TOURISM ACTIVITIES. These guidelines cover Land, Air and Water based activities which include mountaineering, trekking hand gliding, paragliding, bungee jumping and river rafting. Central Financial Assistance is being extended to various State Governments/ Union Territory Administration for development of Tourism Infrastructure in destinations including Adventure Tourism destinations These include facilities for trekking, rock climbing, mountainreering, aero-sports, winter/ water related sports, trekker huts, wildlife viewing facilities etc Financial assistance for purchase of water sports equipment consisting of kayaks, canoes, paddle boats, fibre glass boats, hoyercrafts, water scooters, etc. are also provided to State Governments. The Indian Institute of Skiing Mountaineering has been made fully operational in Gulmarg from January 2009. This institute now has its own building and all modern equipment and training facilities for adventure sports. Various adventure courses have been started and are being successfully run by this institute. The National Institute of Water Sports, another organistion of Ministry of Tourism based in Goa, is getting a new building and facilities upgraded for training in water sports activities. The Ministry is working with the Indian Mountaineering Federation and Adventure Tour Operators Association of India to explore positioning India as an Adventure Destination. Ministry of Tourism has been following up with concerned related Central Ministries with regard to facilitation for development of adventure tourism. As an outcome, the Government of India has given security clearance for opening of 104 additional peaks in Jammu and Kashmir ( Leh Area) subject to stipulations and clearances form State Govt. , Home Ministry and other concerned agencies. The opening of the additional peaks will help in positioning the Indian Himalayas as Adventure tourism destination.

Executive Summary Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 13

Executive Summary - Essay Example in the business, assess the competitors and the competitive advantage, the financial plans and projections and offer a Mission /Vision Statement that determines the success of this business. For the music industry to thrive well and secure a large market segment, it must identify itself with a tumultuous and high velocity market because of the nature of its products. In order to avail music to everyone at considerate prices, one must identify the target market and the type of music required. Jazz music originated from America, and stems from the Atlantic slave trade whereby Africans were shifted into United States. The Africans had a strong passion for traditional music and thy developed their own Jazz music. They had exceptional rhythm and used various instruments that helped them create the Jazz music, for instance, piano, and violin among others (Roberts 64). In most cases, Jazz music is played I whilst drinking and dancing. Even though, most people have a desire to join Jazz music industry, there are a lot of discouragements along the way. For instance, it is pretty expensive to hire a producer or even produce and launch music. For this reason, most people end up burying their talents. This is the reason that I plan to launch a music production center in order to cater and fight with such challenges. I plan to run the Music production center with my family in order to get both financial and moral support from them. The business shall exclusively deal in production of Jazz industry, because this is the only music that does not required a lot of expertise in creating and producing. Also, the technology used is accessible at considerable amounts (Roberts 64). Within this Production center, I plan to set up a small restaurant where people will enjoy the music and delicious food. Most of the foods in the restaurant shall be Japanese traditional foods as these mints well with the Jazz music. The central aspect of the services offered will be based on the blending

Chemical KInetics Chemistry Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Chemical KInetics Chemistry - Assignment Example The theory states that when appropriate molecules of a reactant collide against each other, it is only a definite proportion of the collisions that result in a perceptible chemical change (Goldberger and Watson, 2004). These collisions are termed successful collisions, and possess activation energy. The idea of activation energy was introduced by Svante Arrhenius in 1889, and is the amount of energy needed to be gained by the reactant molecules to form the product. During the exact instant of collision, the pre-existing bonds are broken and new bonds formed. This results in the formation of the products of the reaction. The higher the temperature the higher the rate at which its constituent particles move. This increased particular motion increases the chances of the particles colliding, resulting in more successful collisions that lead to bonds being broken and new ones forming, resulting in the formation of new products, and thereby increasing the reaction rate. This is proven in the graph above, which shows that the molecules that have higher kinetic energies resulting from high temperatures have higher reaction rates, since the increased motion between the molecules results in increased molecular collisions that raises the reaction rates. Pressure has an effect on the rate of various chemical reactions, only involving gases. Raising it leads to a corresponding increase in the rate of the reaction. Raising or lowering the pressure of a reaction system involving liquids or solids leads to no change in the rate of the reaction. For a specific amount of gas, to raise the pressure of the gas one would have to compress the gas so that it would be contained in a lesser volume. Doing so would mean the same amount of gas is found in a much smaller volume, resulting in a higher concentration. Since the gas particles are closer to each other, their random motions result in more frequent collisions. These

EFFECTIVE THINKING Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

EFFECTIVE THINKING - Essay Example E-learning, aided by technology, seeks to prepare learners and equip them with skills conversant with 21st century through continuous learning activities. Kong and his peers embarked on researching the issues and changes needed to achieve the goals of eLearning. With a similar goal, all three articles seek to unmask the opportunities and challenges of technology-assisted learning. The rapid change of technology creates both opportunities and challenges for education in school. Some of the opportunities are the increased access multimedia content and availability of online classes. At the same time, schools have to deal with the challenge of catching up with the digital innovations and changes taking play now and then. According to Kong et al., â€Å"technology plays a crucial role in supporting schools on realizing the desirable learning goals and learning process (71)†. But is this statement really valid? There is a universal perception that implementation of technology in schools improves learning, teaching, and student achievement. People, however, fail to recognize it comes with complexities and challenges. As stated by Beynon, â€Å"how computing technology is conceived may seem to have less practical relevance.† In order to evaluate the worth and benefit of technology, there is need to evaluate some variables embedded in it. The variables are such as access, student background, curriculum content, and teacher preparation. It is necessary to have a computing perspective that integrates human integration with systems in a holistic manner (Beynon 94). In rethinking computing technology, there is no doubt that the current state of technology is inadequate to engage important issues that affect human learning. Educators need to have a comprehensive strategy for a technology-rich future and create an intimate relationship to human cognition if it is to assist learners. It is, however, unfortunate that the current technology strategies are ill-equipped and cannot

Composers Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Composers - Research Paper Example Roeder (1994) notes that the works of Tchaikovsky reflects a unique style of music, being based on the combination of Russian culture and the Western music traditions (Roeder 1994, p.293). In terms of volume, the work of Tchaikovsky is also unique: the specific composer has written ‘seven symphonies and eleven operas’ (Kidder & Oppenheim 2008, p.3). The Piano Concerto I (Burt 2001, p.410), also a work of Tchaikovsky, will be analyzed below focusing on its elements but also on its contribution in the development of music. Alexander Litvinov has been one of Tchaikovsky’s students in Moscow (Poznansky 1999, p.62). Litvinov explains that Tchaikovsky used ‘to enter the class with his hand behind his back and to walk immediately towards the piano’ (Poznansky 1999, p.62). It is also noted that Tchaikovsky could play the piano even when holding a pencil, probably in order to be ready to keep notes or to correct pieces of music written by the students (Poznansky 1999, p.62). Litvinov makes clear that when teaching harmony Tchaikovsky used to emphasize on detail, being ‘irritated by the mistakes of students’ (Poznansky 1999, p.62). Gradually, it was revealed that it was his willingness for an exceptional result that led Tchaikovsky to show no tolerance to mistakes (Poznansky 1999, p.62). According to another student, meaning ‘the class in harmony held at the Moscow Conservatory’ (Poznansky 1999, p.62), Tchaikovsky tried always to help students as possible (Poznans ky 1999, p.63). At this point it should be noted that the emphasis on detail has been a characteristic of Tchaikovsky not only in regard to the other’s work but also in regard to his own pieces of music. The creation of Piano Concerto I took place in the period between November 1874 and February 1875 (Roeder 1994, p.293). The Concerto was initially written for Nikolay Rubinstein

What's the matter with business ethics Research Paper

What's the matter with business ethics - Research Paper Example Business Ethics discourages any activity that induces the feeling of discrimination among the masses. Therefore it does not allow the corporate managers to give rise to inequality on the basis on gender, race, color, nationality, religion, etc. The organizations operating in one country and the multinationals in particular should not disgrace the human dignity neither they should violate the human rights as they both constitute to the economic development and the achievement of common good at large. The objective behind this paper is to introduce business ethics and its affiliation with economic development. Additionally this paper will also discuss the human dignity, human rights, international law regarding business ethics and the common good. To increase the authenticity and reliability of the paper examples and references from Bible and Encyclicals are also considered. The Merriam-Webster Dictionary (2012) defines Ethics as morally good or bad ideas forming the basic rules and regulations which are to be followed by every individual in order to remain in restrictions and to fulfill the expectations of required behavior. Ethics are studied under the courses of Philosophy which explains the students about good and bad actions and activities. Business Ethics are related to the behavior of individuals who are associated with the organization. It is a relatively broad term which not only deals with the employees of a particular organization but it also explains the expected behavior of suppliers, customers, consumers, competitors, etc. (Business Ethics, 2012). Business Ethics do not explain the actual behavior of a person rather it deals with â€Å"what we should do† or â€Å"what we must do† sort of statements i.e. the basic principles upon which the foundation of the organization is laid by its owners and stakeholders. Nearly every

Role of Technology in Citizens' Social and Economic Development Coursework

Role of Technology in Citizens' Social and Economic Development - Coursework Example Many voluntary organizations have initiated numerous technological projects in rural areas to help improve the living standards of those in rural areas. The result is an increased penetration of technology in these areas. Technology has made tremendous impacts among the rural population, making work easier and improving living standards in many fronts, and despite the deterioration of societal values associated with it, it should be promoted.The penetration of technology in rural areas has come as good news to many rural dwellers. The positive aspects of this penetration are evident. The most conspicuous aspect is the increase in production. Clearly, economies, which have embraced technology, have registered improved productivity. For instance, in the agricultural sector, the use of modern farming techniques and tools has significantly improved the level of output. As opposed to traditional farming practices such as the use of simple tools like hoes, use of tractors, fertilizers, and irrigation have had a tremendous impact on food production, almost assuring food security despite the high population in the society. In offices, automation has played a pivotal role in increased yields (Raj, 2005). Previous manual operations, which consumed a lot of time, have been automated. The emergence of ATMs in the banking sector has allowed clients to transact easily and within less time.Additionally, technology has incorporated rural areas in the global village. Through globalization, the world has become â€Å"one big village† where information is passed and shared almost instantly. Technological inventions continue to reduce the distance between people. The use of emails, social sites such as Facebook and Twitter, phones, tablets, and fax has allowed people to keep in touch as if they are in the same geographical location. News spread faster because of technology. Ideally, it is honest to say that one can make a trip to the entire globe from a remote village withi n seconds courtesy of technology.

Tims Coffee Shoppe Essay Example for Free

Tims Coffee Shoppe Essay In this weeks assignment I will be researching coffee bean producing countries in order to find a supplier for Tims Coffee Shoppe. For this assignment I will be looking at all of the possible effects of importing beans from other countries could have in Tims bottom line for sales. I will also be researching how the different countries environmental laws either align with our country or what Tim may have to do in order to market his coffee appropriately as Tim would not want to have to keep his supplier a secret if a consumer asks where he gets his coffee from. The country I have chosen to buy coffee from would be Brazil. According to an article in Business Week, Brazil is the largest coffee producing country in the world (Businessweek. com). Brazil produces many different types of coffee beans and will potentially sell over 48. 6 million bags of coffee in the year 2013 (businessweek. com). I have chose Brazil because since 1988 they have came a long way with environmental standards and also their trade policies when it comes to exporting goods. In 2011, Brazil was the U. S. argest source of imports and has many opportunities for growth for companies that want to do business in this country (export. gov). The Strauss Company located in Brazil would be the company I would use to get my coffee imported from. In 2000, the Strauss Company acquired Cafe Tres Coracoes which is located in Brazil and in 2005 became the 2nd largest coffee company in Brazil (export. gov). This is the company I would chose do to the fact that they took a chance as wel l in the coffee market in Brazil and it paid off. This company knows what it takes to be successful and if you build a good relationship with them they could pass on tips to us for selling and promoting the coffee in the U. S. The advantages of doing business with a company in Brazil are the fact that they are open to trade and their laws align with those in the U. S. Although their law systems are complex and there will be tariffs and taxes to pay on all exports which may relate to the distribution, employee benefits and other various items may impact the costs you will incur while doing business in Brazil (export. gov). The prices of your coffee may be higher but the quality will be excellent as well. Tim will be able to make a name for himself with his new flavors and coffee products from Brazil and while making a name he will be able to gradually increase his prices for the premium coffees he is importing. I do believe there is an advantage in divulging the information of where Tim would get his coffee beans from. A lot of people look at the coffee and where it comes from, Brazil is known for a lot of its dark coffee such as the Arabic Robusta according to ICO. gov this is one of the top production beans in Brazil (ICO. ov). If people can see where the beans are coming from and know it is a quality coffee and they can also research the history of the beans, they will more likely buy the product if it is coming from a known seller and region. I think by Tims decision to go with a Brazilian bean he will see drastic improvement in his coffee and his business which will spread by word of mouth and advertisement. In doing business with the company in Brazil, Tim may face several challenges. He will have to become familiar with the countries laws and regulations in order to import their product. He will also have to look at the best way to buy the product in order to get it for the cheapest price possible in order for him to make a profit. The best way to start business transactions in Brazil is in a face to face visit with the company you plan to do business with, Brazilians rely on face to face communication and a strong relationship with their clients (export. gov). Tim will be able to make money off of the imported beans if he makes the correct decisions with his suppliers and how the beans are to be purchased and his relationship with the company in Brazil. Through hard work and dedication Tim will be able to build a great business with his coffee shop and even grow to other areas once the shop takes off. Overall, Tim has a lot of thinking to do in regards to finding a Brazilian importer who will work with him on the prices and the overall goal of what Tim wants to achieve with his coffee shoppe. Tim will need to align his decisions closely with his vision and mission statements and make sure not to over spend on the product and affect his total bottom line and not be able to make payment on his other obligations because of the cost of the coffee.

Cultural Identity and Belonging in Muslims

Cultural Identity and Belonging in Muslims Religious conversion, cultural identity and national belonging: The world of Bulgarian Muslims (Pomaks). Introduction It is always interesting to immerse in the mysterious past and to discover how the sense of national identity is created and transformed over the years. Throughout olden times and until now, cultural margins have shrunk or expanded, established nations and minorities within these have interacted with and influenced each other, religious and cultural conversions have frequently taken place and in the melting pot of history new distinctive uniqueness has begun to exist. This is particularly valid when the case of Bulgarian Muslims is discussed. Moreover, it is important to recognise here that the world of Bulgarian Muslims or Pomaks has been a subject of endless speculations and ethnic and political claims over the years and it is still very much unknown to the Western European ethnological and historical research literature. Much of the translated work that refers to the Pomaks is from Greek, Serbian, Turkish or Macedonian origin. Therefore it is, fair to say that the story of this Muslim enclave that inhibits mostly Bulgarian territories and speaks Bulgarian language, must be considered from a Bulgarian point of view and this is the main aim here. Consequently, this essay will examine the world of Bulgarian Muslims or Pomaks, their religious conversion from Christianity to Islam and the formation and transformation of their cultural identity and sense of national belonging. To accomplish all this, the essay will firstly discuss the religious conversion of the Pomaks, its background, character, mode and outcomes and how it has laid the foundations of Bulgarian Muslims’ cultural identity. In addition, this paper will comment on the transformation of the cultural identity and sense of national belonging of Bulgarian Muslims. Finally, it will conclude with thoughts on self-perception, perception of others and future hopes. Definition of the term Bulgarian Muslims or Pomaks Before elaborating further on all abovementioned points, there is a need to establish and define the term Bulgarian Muslims and describe it in Bulgarian context. In order to achieve this, two reliable sources will be cited. Commenting on the issue of cultural belonging and religious identity of Muslims in Bulgaria, Kemal Karpat, a Turkish historian and researcher, states that: The Muslim identity of these populations consisted outwardly of certain objective symbols and acts such as names and ritualsand at their place of origin they tended to identify themselves with Islam in terms of social behaviour, rather than in terms of a political systemand possessed a passive communal Muslim identity (1990, pp. 131-132). In his The hijra from Russia and the Balkans: the process of self-definition in the late Ottoman state, he argues that the largest population group â€Å"in the area that is now Bulgaria†, was the Muslim population group. In terms of spoken language, he endorses that â€Å"they spoke Slavic† (1990, pp.132-134). In his Turkish brutality in Bulgaria and in the Balkan Peninsula (2007, pp. 41-62), the well-known Bulgarian historian, researcher and writer Hristo Krasin, presents a different point of view to that of Kemal Karpat. He argues that all modern Bulgarian population has a strong Bulgarian ethnic origin and comprises of four groups. The first group consists of Bulgarians, who speak Bulgarian language and are Eastern Orthodox Christians. The second one consists of Bulgarians, who recognise themselves as Bulgarian speaking Muslims with Bulgarian or Turkish national identity. The third one consists of Bulgarian speaking Muslims, who recognise themselves as ethnic Turks because their Bulgarian national identity was partially erased over the centuries due to the aggressive assimilation politic of the Turkish Empire. The last group consists of Bulgarian individuals, who speak Bulgarian and Turkish languages. They recognise themselves as ethnic Turks, whose religions are Christianity and Islam and whose Bulgarian national identity was fully erased under centuries of Turkish Islamic brutality in Bulgaria. This classification of ethnic and religious groups only appears to be straightforward. In the context of the tricky ethic and religious relationships in Bulgaria and in the Balkans, nothing is ever simple. Hence, the purpose of this essay is not to involve the reader in a discussion of the suggested categorisation or its validity or reliability but to establish some clarity into the complicated issue of ethnicity and identity of the Bulgarian-speaking Muslims and their ethnic, cultural and national identity and self-perception. Subsequently, this paper will confine itself to the Bulgarian-speaking Muslims, further referred to as Bulgarian Muslims or Pomaks. Religious conversion: Pomaks until 1878 As it already beginning to emerge, the case of the Pomaks is complicated and a number of debates around it, display very strong positions and conflicting opinions. In order to appreciate all points of view and in search for the truth, it is imperative to consider the historical background of the issue. The existence of closed Muslim societies in Bulgaria is the direct inheritance of five centuries long Turkish rule over the Balkan Peninsula (Todorova, 1998, p.3). Even though there is no reliable data or figures to inform of population characteristics or major population shifts, some research has been done and there are number of existing theories that explain the size and grouping of Muslim population on the Peninsula. In his Turkish brutality in Bulgaria and in the Balkan Peninsula (2007, p. 23), Hristo Krasin has attempted to assess the character and the effects of these movements. He claims that there were not any significant population transfers from Anatolia to the Balkans between the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries and that the military formation send to take the Peninsula over, comprised only of soldiers and there no women travelling with the army. In her Identity (Trans) Formation among Bulgarian Muslims, Maria Todorova, a researcher from The University of California (1998, p.4) argues that the â€Å"chief historiographical controversy centres on the explanations for the sizeable Muslim population in the Balkans: Colonisation versus Conversion theory†. Furthermore, she suggests that â€Å"by the sixteenth century the settler colonisation process had stopped and yet the percentage of Muslims in the region continued to grow. Thus, the hypothesis offered is that â€Å"there were a great number of personal conversions to Islam among the non-Muslim population of the Balkans, respectively Bulgaria† (Todorova, 1998, p.6). In addition, a whole range of reliable academic research and publications from Bulgarian and Turkish authors, such as Omer Barkan from Istanbul University, Elena Grozdanova from the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, the Albanian historian Sami Pulaha (all cited in Todorova, 1998, pp. 2-5), refer to data to evidence rapid Muslim population growth in Bulgaria between the fifteenth and eighteenth centuries due either colonisation or conversion. In an attempt to join this debate and in discussion of the concrete but complex case of the Bulgarian Muslims or Pomaks, it must be suggested here that although there is evidence to support both theories, the majority of all available sources, also supported by official documents and survived the time registers of the Ottoman empire, shape the idea that religious conversion on a massive scale took place in Bulgaria and respectively in the Balkans (Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, 1982, vol. 3-7). The question is how the conversion from Christianity to Islam was carried out and the answer to this question is directly connected with Pomaks’ self-identification as Muslims and consequently gives some light into their actions and behavioural characteristics as citizens of the Ottoman Empire until the nineteenth century and independent Bulgaria after that. To discuss the mode of the religious conversion of the Pomaks and emphasise its importance for the formation of their cultural identity and national belonging, it must be made clear here that â€Å"conversion may occur in one or more of three ways: through voluntary association, by pressure, and by assimilation. Syncretism and strong cultural resistance can also complicate the conversion process† (The Applied History Research group, 2000, pp.1-3). There is another raging debate in Bulgarian and Balkan historiographical research literature about the mode of Pomaks’ conversion to Islam and the co-existence of Bulgarian Christians and Bulgarian Muslims. On the one hand, there are these, who argue that the conversion was forced upon the Christian population of Bulgaria and over the centuries, and especially the seventeen century, there was a mass conversion to Islam in across the country and especially in the mountain Rodopi region. There is a huge amount of literature, both academic and journalistic, supported with reliable and substantial evidence that the alleged obligatory conversion took place. In his Genocide and Holocaust against Bulgarians (2006, p.63), Bulgarian academic historian and writer Georgi Voinov claims that the systematic and focused compulsory conversion to Islam was one of the favourite methods of control and ruling in the Ottoman Empire, well known for its strong assimilation aspirations in order to promote pan-Turkism. To sustain his assertions, Voinov cites numerous sources, based on authentic literature, written by survivors or witnesses from fourteenth to eighteenth centuries. He also claims that there are official registers of the Ottoman Empire that had also captured those events and give objective information and statistics of all the atrocities that took place in the name of Islam and in order to erase Bulgarian national identity among the Bulgarian population (Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, 1982, vol. 3-7). All abovementioned sources affirm that Islam in Bulgaria was not accepted voluntary but under duress. In the History Reader: The Rodopi mountain through the centuries (1966, p. 78), Bulgarian historian Peter Petrov cites a source from the sixteenth century that talks of 325 thousand young Bulgarian youths forcefully converted to Islam and taken to Anatolia to commence military service in the Turkish army. Only the boy’s number was known, for the girls, no-one has ever known. It is claimed, that conversion took place in 1515 and under the command of Selim Pasha. There are also endless lists from administrative Ottoman registers reporting evidence that Islam was not accepted on voluntary basis. Mass conversions took place in 1620, 1633, 1669, 1705, 1720, 1803, all of those through fire and sword, drowning in blood any resistance from the local Christian population (Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, 1982, vol. 3-7). On the other hand, there are those academic writers and journalists, who for one reason or another and in an attempt to politicise the issue of Bulgarian Muslims, are nowadays trying to reassess historical events. Special attention is given to the religious and cultural conversion in Bulgaria. In the recently published second edition of his book The Mohammedan Bulgarians (2007, pp. 5-12), Bulgarian researcher and writer Stojan Raichevski asserts that change to Islam was forced upon the Christian Bulgarians by the power of the sword to a minimal degree but there were many other, more important reasons and economic factors, that played a key role, such as preferential taxation and trading agreements for Muslims in the Empire, the greed of the Greek Orthodox clergy, the conflict between the Bogomils and the Orthodox Church, etc. In addition, Kemal Karpat comments that at the time when their land was conquered, the Slavic speaking Muslims were under the authority of their local feudal lords and accepted Islam as the new faith as it supposedly was close to their native faith of Bogomilism, a mixture of Christianity, paganism and Manichaeism. In doing so, they hoped to preserve their land holdings and ethnic identity. Furthermore, according to the Applied History Research group of the University of Calgary (2000, p.1), â€Å"although conversion by pressure cannot be termed voluntary, the degree of force and coercion varies greatly. Indeed, military conquest was typically followed by the application of subtler pressures, such as commercial or judicial sanctions, to enforce the requirement of the new rulers†. Economic pressure was just as effective as an unrestrained military subjugation. Thinking objectively and considering all points of view and available data, one does not doubt here that many factors acted as an incentive to mass Islamic conversions in Bulgaria. What is interesting to communicate through this piece of work is that the combination of the different modes of conversion: by voluntary association, by pressure, and by assimilation, was accompanied with syncretism that determined some degree of cultural adaptation. It did, in turn, also provoke fierce cultural resistance and martyrdom from a large part of the Christian population. Hence, here was the historical picture in Bulgaria. On the one hand, those Bulgarians, who surrendered their religion for one reason or another, became Bulgarian Muslims or Pomaks. They continued speaking Bulgarian language and the local area dialect, build their houses in Bulgarian architectural traditions, saved some elements of their old dress code, continued to recognise themselves as Bulgarians but built mosques, celebrated Eid and enjoyed preferential treatment from the Ottoman rulers. However, over the centuries they were exposed to the influences of their adopted Islamic religion and the aggressive pan-Turkism promoted in the Ottoman Empire and through blending of various aspects of different cultural customs and religious rituals or syncretism, somewhat new cultural arrangements took place. Bulgarian Muslims adapted culturally to the life in the Empire and although preserving their Slavic language and some sense of Bulgarian national identity, their levels of cultural adaptation reached much greater heights than those among the Christian Bulgarian population. Due to this fact and over the centuries, the Pomaks have tried to self-define themselves in terms of national conciseness and have become vulnerable to influences and an object of hatred or even political struggle. On the other hand, while Bulgarian Muslims were going through the process of cultural assimilation, the larger part of the Bulgarian population withstood the pressure, continued to observe their faith and traditions, regularly rebelled against the Turkish rulers and took part in more than fifty military conquests against the Turks, led by different European rulers. All Bulgarian uprisings against the Ottoman Sultans, fourteen in total in Bulgaria itself (Voinov, 2006, p.26), were drowned in blood. What needs clarification here is one, not very well popularised fact: Bulgarian Muslims took active part in the suppression and crushing of many of the rebellions. This, in turn, raises many questions, with one most imperative. What were the reasons that in the same ethnic population group, some of its members took the way of conversion and cultural adaptation but the others chose cultural resistance, martyrdom and self-martyrdom? How could these two groups live in relative peace under Ottoman rule but when an uprising against the Turks took place, Bulgarian Muslims ferociously and viciously attacked their Christian neighbours and fought on the side of the Turks, committing acts of unheard of cruelty and brutality? Their participation in the crushing of the April uprising of 1876 is notorious and it was described by the American writer and journalist Janarius Aloysius McGahan, who was one of the greatest war correspondents in the nineteenth century. In his American witness (2002, 3rd Ed.), Bulgarian historian Teodor Dimitrov has published McGahan’s notes about the atrocities in Batak, Bulgaria, and they read: â€Å"We spoke with many women, who had been through all stages of torture without the last one, death. The procedure, as it seemed, was the following: the Turks would take a woman, undress her, putting aside her valuables, gang-rape her and the last one, who had her, would kill her or let her go, depending on his mood†. What McGahan does not note here is that the Turks were not alone in the slaughter of the rebels. They are aided by their helpers’, the local Pomak population, Greeks and other small ethnic groups. Thus, Christian Bulgarians fought for freedom, while Muslim Bulgarians took part in the massacre of their uprising. What could have possibly provoked someone to behave in such a way? According to Doinov et al. (2001, p.112), â€Å"the shown cruelty was an outburst of the deep national and religious hatred against the oppressed nationalities in the Ottoman Empire, that has been groomed and encouraged for centuries by the ruling powers†. However, something else was at work there too. Kemal Karpat (1990, p.136) explains that Balkan Muslims, although living in a hostile Christian European world, remained largely apolitical. However, their â€Å"passive cultural-religious consciousness was easily converted to a dynamic Muslim identity when the circumstances required†. Perhaps when Bulgarian Muslims were faced with an unconditional act of resistance in the â€Å"most dramatic form: suicide and self-martyrdom† (2000, p.3), those acted as catalyst and the Pomaks replied with repression and brutality. Ekaterina Peychinova, Director of the Museum of History in Batak describes what drove the oppressors mad: For three days and three nights the people inside the church held together, and the shooting outside did not stop for a minute. At the end of the third day they gave in and opened the gates of the church. But then they had only two options: either become Muslims or die. Every single one of them chose death. (cited in Ivanova, 2008, p.1) The horrific power of those events and the depth of feelings and emotions are overwhelming. Keeping in mind that Bulgarian Christians and Bulgarian Muslims are from the same ethnic origin and the same blood flows in their veins, have religious and cultural conversion, syncretism and assimilation have changed the latter so much that they could commit such acts and have identity switch over, allowing for full degradation of human values? This essay does not have the ambitious goal to answer all those questions. History gives the answers and it will do the same here too. Many years have gone since those ghastly days and Pomaks’ sense of cultural identity and national belonging has evolved and changed again as Bulgarian Muslims themselves were at the receiving end of numerous assimilation governmental campaigns and strategies from 1878 until now. Cultural identity and national belonging of Bulgarian Pomaks Due to the fact that the Bulgarian speaking Muslims took an active part in the suppressing the April uprising of 1876, they did not enjoy friendly treatment from their Christian neighbours. With the advancement of the Russian armies in 1878, retaliation began and a substantial part of the Pomaks immigrated to the Ottoman empire, refusing to live under the rule of the â€Å"giaurs† or infidels. Many others took part in the Rodopi mutiny and lived in the so-called Pomak republic for about eight years until 1886, when the participating villages were included in the Ottoman Empire but only until the Balkan wars (Todorva, 1998, p.9). Furthermore, in the Ottoman Population: 1830-1914 (1985, p.78), Kemal Karpat cites Ottoman statistics, indicating that the total population of the Empire rose by about 40% in the period 1860-1878 due to coercive measures by Russia and Bulgaria. He mentions that among the Balkan migrants there were large groups of Slavic-speaking Bosnians, Herzegovinians, Montenegrins and Pomaks with a negative sense of ethnic identity, as they considered themselves as Muslims but not Osmanlis (Turks). Thus, judging by the actions of the Pomaks, the question that must be asked here is: did the Pomaks have a Turkish or Bulgarian cultural and national identity at the end of the nineteen and beginning of twentieth century and is it possible to differentiate between religious and ethnic belonging? The Pomaks, who immigrated to the Ottoman Empire, had their cultural identity politicised and defined as Muslim and Turkish under the influence of the local political and ethnic culture (Karpat, 1990, p.137). Unfortunately, the Pomaks, who stayed in Bulgaria, did not have the opportunity to decide for themselves freely because during the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, they were subjected to a number of keen campaigns to accept and recognise them as part of the Bulgarian nation or â€Å"narod†, starting from 1920-s and continuing until the mid-80-s. In 1942, the first ever mass attempt to change the names of the Bulgarian Muslims to Bulgarian names took place. It was a result of the work of the Pomaks’ own organisation, called â€Å"Rodina† or Motherland. Consisting mainly of teachers, â€Å"Rodina† strove to improve the position of the Pomaks in Bulgarian society and to save them from the growing resentment and marginalisation. In the context of the Third Bulgarian Kingdom (1878 – 1944) and its nationalistic ambitions and assimilative tendencies, it is important to acknowledge here that Motherlands’ actions were justified in terms of seeking a national, cultural and linguistic unity of the Bulgarian society and the difficulties that the Pomaks could have faced, if tried to fit in that society. What is questionable here is the Pomaks desire to fit in. Although the Pomaks have, at that point, lost the very close contact with their original cultural authority, the Ottoman Empire, they were still in favour of their religious affiliation and were not willing to adapt to the fresh, language-based identity actively promoted by the modern Bulgarian state at that time (Todorova, 1998, p. 11). Another problem here is the attitude of the Christian Bulgarians, whose national consciousness was determined by religious and linguistic boundaries. Were they ready to forget the Ottoman rule and April 1876 and to accept the Pomaks as part of the Bulgarian nation and allow assimilation? Could adaptation and adoption take place and the complex issue of national identity, belonging and unity be resolved peacefully and once and for all? What is better: common national identity and national unity or multi-cultural society? During communist rule in the 1960-s, 1970-s and 1980-s, various Bulgarian governments tried to resolve the issue through numerous heavy-handed assimilation campaigns, when all Muslim names were changed to Bulgarian names, an attempt was made to form a united Bulgarian nation in order to neutralise nationalistic ambitions and claims from neighbouring Turkey. After the democratic reforms from 1989, all ethnic and religious groups in Bulgaria gained the freedom to self-identify themselves and promote their national and religious distinctiveness. All Muslim names were restored and seemingly the great effort to create a united Bulgarian national identity had ended. Hence, the national identity and cultural belonging of the Pomaks are somewhat fluid and non-defined, and the coming generations will have the chance to accomplish the process of integration or affiliation as they choose. It is, however, ultimate to accept the lessons of history and to abolish all attempts to forcefully create a single identity with identical religious or national characteristics. Cultural conversion through co-operation and co-existence is frequently welcome by small or big population groups, whilst conversion by pressure, conflict and aggressive assimilation is rejected and leads to confusion, hatred and frequently violent resistance. Conclusion In conclusion, it must be recognised here that the case of Bulgarian Muslims or Pomaks is of complex nature and the issue of defining their national identity and cultural belonging is still unresolved. There are many more questions to ask and answer and many more avenues to explore in order to establish which one of the national identity constituents is the most influential and possess the ultimate formative power. Consequently, it is the greatest regret of this work that it is impossible to analyse or develop fully all themes, ideas and debates in connection with the cultural identity, national belonging and self-perception of the Pomaks, when the number of words is restricted and there is lack of the research available. However, one humbly hopes to have offered here, merely an attempt of discussion on the important issues of cultural and religious identity and how they shape the very centre of the human concept of self. Finally, it must be emphasised here that the writing of this essay has been a vast learning experience for the author, an opportunity to study, investigate and explore the world of Bulgarian Muslims and be taught lessons that put historical and contemporary events into perspective. Bibliography Bulgarian Academy of Sciences (1982). History of Bulgaria. Sofia: BAN Press, vol. 3-7. Dimitrov, T. (2002). American witness. 3rd Ed. Geneva: Geneva press. Doinov, D., Jechev, N. Kosev, K. (2001). The April uprising and the fate of the Bulgarian nation. Sofia: Academic Press â€Å"Professor Marin Drinov†. Ivanova, M. (2008). St. Nedelya church in Batak. Available from: http://www.pravoslavieto.com. (Accessed: 12 April 2008). Karpat, K. (1985). Ottoman Population: 1830-1914. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. Karpat, K. (1990). The hijra from Russia and the Balkans: the process of self-definition in the late Ottoman state. In: Eickelman, D. Piscatori, J. (Ed.). Muslim Travellers: Pilgrimage, migration, and the religious imagination. Los Angeles: University of California Press, Chapter 7, pp. 131-152. Krasin, H. (2007). Turkish brutality in Bulgaria and in the Balkan Peninsula. (Turskite porazii v Bulgaria i na Balkanskia Poluostrov). Sofia: Svetovit Press. Petrov, P. (1966). History Reader: The Rodopi mountain through the centuries. Sofia: BKP Press. Rajcevski, S. (2004). The Mohammedan Bulgarians (Pomaks). (Balgarite Mohamedani). Sofia: Bulgarian Bestseller Press. The Applied History Research Group. (2000) Old World Contacts. Available from: http://www.ucalgary.ca/applied_history. (Accessed: 14 April 2008). Todorova, M. (1998). Identity (Trans) Formation among Bulgarian Muslims. Gainesville: University of Florida Press. Voinov, G. (2006). Genocide and Holocaust against Bulgarians. (Genotsidad i Holokostat sreshtu Balgarite.) Sofia: Arateb Press. Cultural Identity and Belonging in Muslims Cultural Identity and Belonging in Muslims Religious conversion, cultural identity and national belonging: The world of Bulgarian Muslims (Pomaks). Introduction It is always interesting to immerse in the mysterious past and to discover how the sense of national identity is created and transformed over the years. Throughout olden times and until now, cultural margins have shrunk or expanded, established nations and minorities within these have interacted with and influenced each other, religious and cultural conversions have frequently taken place and in the melting pot of history new distinctive uniqueness has begun to exist. This is particularly valid when the case of Bulgarian Muslims is discussed. Moreover, it is important to recognise here that the world of Bulgarian Muslims or Pomaks has been a subject of endless speculations and ethnic and political claims over the years and it is still very much unknown to the Western European ethnological and historical research literature. Much of the translated work that refers to the Pomaks is from Greek, Serbian, Turkish or Macedonian origin. Therefore it is, fair to say that the story of this Muslim enclave that inhibits mostly Bulgarian territories and speaks Bulgarian language, must be considered from a Bulgarian point of view and this is the main aim here. Consequently, this essay will examine the world of Bulgarian Muslims or Pomaks, their religious conversion from Christianity to Islam and the formation and transformation of their cultural identity and sense of national belonging. To accomplish all this, the essay will firstly discuss the religious conversion of the Pomaks, its background, character, mode and outcomes and how it has laid the foundations of Bulgarian Muslims’ cultural identity. In addition, this paper will comment on the transformation of the cultural identity and sense of national belonging of Bulgarian Muslims. Finally, it will conclude with thoughts on self-perception, perception of others and future hopes. Definition of the term Bulgarian Muslims or Pomaks Before elaborating further on all abovementioned points, there is a need to establish and define the term Bulgarian Muslims and describe it in Bulgarian context. In order to achieve this, two reliable sources will be cited. Commenting on the issue of cultural belonging and religious identity of Muslims in Bulgaria, Kemal Karpat, a Turkish historian and researcher, states that: The Muslim identity of these populations consisted outwardly of certain objective symbols and acts such as names and ritualsand at their place of origin they tended to identify themselves with Islam in terms of social behaviour, rather than in terms of a political systemand possessed a passive communal Muslim identity (1990, pp. 131-132). In his The hijra from Russia and the Balkans: the process of self-definition in the late Ottoman state, he argues that the largest population group â€Å"in the area that is now Bulgaria†, was the Muslim population group. In terms of spoken language, he endorses that â€Å"they spoke Slavic† (1990, pp.132-134). In his Turkish brutality in Bulgaria and in the Balkan Peninsula (2007, pp. 41-62), the well-known Bulgarian historian, researcher and writer Hristo Krasin, presents a different point of view to that of Kemal Karpat. He argues that all modern Bulgarian population has a strong Bulgarian ethnic origin and comprises of four groups. The first group consists of Bulgarians, who speak Bulgarian language and are Eastern Orthodox Christians. The second one consists of Bulgarians, who recognise themselves as Bulgarian speaking Muslims with Bulgarian or Turkish national identity. The third one consists of Bulgarian speaking Muslims, who recognise themselves as ethnic Turks because their Bulgarian national identity was partially erased over the centuries due to the aggressive assimilation politic of the Turkish Empire. The last group consists of Bulgarian individuals, who speak Bulgarian and Turkish languages. They recognise themselves as ethnic Turks, whose religions are Christianity and Islam and whose Bulgarian national identity was fully erased under centuries of Turkish Islamic brutality in Bulgaria. This classification of ethnic and religious groups only appears to be straightforward. In the context of the tricky ethic and religious relationships in Bulgaria and in the Balkans, nothing is ever simple. Hence, the purpose of this essay is not to involve the reader in a discussion of the suggested categorisation or its validity or reliability but to establish some clarity into the complicated issue of ethnicity and identity of the Bulgarian-speaking Muslims and their ethnic, cultural and national identity and self-perception. Subsequently, this paper will confine itself to the Bulgarian-speaking Muslims, further referred to as Bulgarian Muslims or Pomaks. Religious conversion: Pomaks until 1878 As it already beginning to emerge, the case of the Pomaks is complicated and a number of debates around it, display very strong positions and conflicting opinions. In order to appreciate all points of view and in search for the truth, it is imperative to consider the historical background of the issue. The existence of closed Muslim societies in Bulgaria is the direct inheritance of five centuries long Turkish rule over the Balkan Peninsula (Todorova, 1998, p.3). Even though there is no reliable data or figures to inform of population characteristics or major population shifts, some research has been done and there are number of existing theories that explain the size and grouping of Muslim population on the Peninsula. In his Turkish brutality in Bulgaria and in the Balkan Peninsula (2007, p. 23), Hristo Krasin has attempted to assess the character and the effects of these movements. He claims that there were not any significant population transfers from Anatolia to the Balkans between the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries and that the military formation send to take the Peninsula over, comprised only of soldiers and there no women travelling with the army. In her Identity (Trans) Formation among Bulgarian Muslims, Maria Todorova, a researcher from The University of California (1998, p.4) argues that the â€Å"chief historiographical controversy centres on the explanations for the sizeable Muslim population in the Balkans: Colonisation versus Conversion theory†. Furthermore, she suggests that â€Å"by the sixteenth century the settler colonisation process had stopped and yet the percentage of Muslims in the region continued to grow. Thus, the hypothesis offered is that â€Å"there were a great number of personal conversions to Islam among the non-Muslim population of the Balkans, respectively Bulgaria† (Todorova, 1998, p.6). In addition, a whole range of reliable academic research and publications from Bulgarian and Turkish authors, such as Omer Barkan from Istanbul University, Elena Grozdanova from the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, the Albanian historian Sami Pulaha (all cited in Todorova, 1998, pp. 2-5), refer to data to evidence rapid Muslim population growth in Bulgaria between the fifteenth and eighteenth centuries due either colonisation or conversion. In an attempt to join this debate and in discussion of the concrete but complex case of the Bulgarian Muslims or Pomaks, it must be suggested here that although there is evidence to support both theories, the majority of all available sources, also supported by official documents and survived the time registers of the Ottoman empire, shape the idea that religious conversion on a massive scale took place in Bulgaria and respectively in the Balkans (Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, 1982, vol. 3-7). The question is how the conversion from Christianity to Islam was carried out and the answer to this question is directly connected with Pomaks’ self-identification as Muslims and consequently gives some light into their actions and behavioural characteristics as citizens of the Ottoman Empire until the nineteenth century and independent Bulgaria after that. To discuss the mode of the religious conversion of the Pomaks and emphasise its importance for the formation of their cultural identity and national belonging, it must be made clear here that â€Å"conversion may occur in one or more of three ways: through voluntary association, by pressure, and by assimilation. Syncretism and strong cultural resistance can also complicate the conversion process† (The Applied History Research group, 2000, pp.1-3). There is another raging debate in Bulgarian and Balkan historiographical research literature about the mode of Pomaks’ conversion to Islam and the co-existence of Bulgarian Christians and Bulgarian Muslims. On the one hand, there are these, who argue that the conversion was forced upon the Christian population of Bulgaria and over the centuries, and especially the seventeen century, there was a mass conversion to Islam in across the country and especially in the mountain Rodopi region. There is a huge amount of literature, both academic and journalistic, supported with reliable and substantial evidence that the alleged obligatory conversion took place. In his Genocide and Holocaust against Bulgarians (2006, p.63), Bulgarian academic historian and writer Georgi Voinov claims that the systematic and focused compulsory conversion to Islam was one of the favourite methods of control and ruling in the Ottoman Empire, well known for its strong assimilation aspirations in order to promote pan-Turkism. To sustain his assertions, Voinov cites numerous sources, based on authentic literature, written by survivors or witnesses from fourteenth to eighteenth centuries. He also claims that there are official registers of the Ottoman Empire that had also captured those events and give objective information and statistics of all the atrocities that took place in the name of Islam and in order to erase Bulgarian national identity among the Bulgarian population (Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, 1982, vol. 3-7). All abovementioned sources affirm that Islam in Bulgaria was not accepted voluntary but under duress. In the History Reader: The Rodopi mountain through the centuries (1966, p. 78), Bulgarian historian Peter Petrov cites a source from the sixteenth century that talks of 325 thousand young Bulgarian youths forcefully converted to Islam and taken to Anatolia to commence military service in the Turkish army. Only the boy’s number was known, for the girls, no-one has ever known. It is claimed, that conversion took place in 1515 and under the command of Selim Pasha. There are also endless lists from administrative Ottoman registers reporting evidence that Islam was not accepted on voluntary basis. Mass conversions took place in 1620, 1633, 1669, 1705, 1720, 1803, all of those through fire and sword, drowning in blood any resistance from the local Christian population (Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, 1982, vol. 3-7). On the other hand, there are those academic writers and journalists, who for one reason or another and in an attempt to politicise the issue of Bulgarian Muslims, are nowadays trying to reassess historical events. Special attention is given to the religious and cultural conversion in Bulgaria. In the recently published second edition of his book The Mohammedan Bulgarians (2007, pp. 5-12), Bulgarian researcher and writer Stojan Raichevski asserts that change to Islam was forced upon the Christian Bulgarians by the power of the sword to a minimal degree but there were many other, more important reasons and economic factors, that played a key role, such as preferential taxation and trading agreements for Muslims in the Empire, the greed of the Greek Orthodox clergy, the conflict between the Bogomils and the Orthodox Church, etc. In addition, Kemal Karpat comments that at the time when their land was conquered, the Slavic speaking Muslims were under the authority of their local feudal lords and accepted Islam as the new faith as it supposedly was close to their native faith of Bogomilism, a mixture of Christianity, paganism and Manichaeism. In doing so, they hoped to preserve their land holdings and ethnic identity. Furthermore, according to the Applied History Research group of the University of Calgary (2000, p.1), â€Å"although conversion by pressure cannot be termed voluntary, the degree of force and coercion varies greatly. Indeed, military conquest was typically followed by the application of subtler pressures, such as commercial or judicial sanctions, to enforce the requirement of the new rulers†. Economic pressure was just as effective as an unrestrained military subjugation. Thinking objectively and considering all points of view and available data, one does not doubt here that many factors acted as an incentive to mass Islamic conversions in Bulgaria. What is interesting to communicate through this piece of work is that the combination of the different modes of conversion: by voluntary association, by pressure, and by assimilation, was accompanied with syncretism that determined some degree of cultural adaptation. It did, in turn, also provoke fierce cultural resistance and martyrdom from a large part of the Christian population. Hence, here was the historical picture in Bulgaria. On the one hand, those Bulgarians, who surrendered their religion for one reason or another, became Bulgarian Muslims or Pomaks. They continued speaking Bulgarian language and the local area dialect, build their houses in Bulgarian architectural traditions, saved some elements of their old dress code, continued to recognise themselves as Bulgarians but built mosques, celebrated Eid and enjoyed preferential treatment from the Ottoman rulers. However, over the centuries they were exposed to the influences of their adopted Islamic religion and the aggressive pan-Turkism promoted in the Ottoman Empire and through blending of various aspects of different cultural customs and religious rituals or syncretism, somewhat new cultural arrangements took place. Bulgarian Muslims adapted culturally to the life in the Empire and although preserving their Slavic language and some sense of Bulgarian national identity, their levels of cultural adaptation reached much greater heights than those among the Christian Bulgarian population. Due to this fact and over the centuries, the Pomaks have tried to self-define themselves in terms of national conciseness and have become vulnerable to influences and an object of hatred or even political struggle. On the other hand, while Bulgarian Muslims were going through the process of cultural assimilation, the larger part of the Bulgarian population withstood the pressure, continued to observe their faith and traditions, regularly rebelled against the Turkish rulers and took part in more than fifty military conquests against the Turks, led by different European rulers. All Bulgarian uprisings against the Ottoman Sultans, fourteen in total in Bulgaria itself (Voinov, 2006, p.26), were drowned in blood. What needs clarification here is one, not very well popularised fact: Bulgarian Muslims took active part in the suppression and crushing of many of the rebellions. This, in turn, raises many questions, with one most imperative. What were the reasons that in the same ethnic population group, some of its members took the way of conversion and cultural adaptation but the others chose cultural resistance, martyrdom and self-martyrdom? How could these two groups live in relative peace under Ottoman rule but when an uprising against the Turks took place, Bulgarian Muslims ferociously and viciously attacked their Christian neighbours and fought on the side of the Turks, committing acts of unheard of cruelty and brutality? Their participation in the crushing of the April uprising of 1876 is notorious and it was described by the American writer and journalist Janarius Aloysius McGahan, who was one of the greatest war correspondents in the nineteenth century. In his American witness (2002, 3rd Ed.), Bulgarian historian Teodor Dimitrov has published McGahan’s notes about the atrocities in Batak, Bulgaria, and they read: â€Å"We spoke with many women, who had been through all stages of torture without the last one, death. The procedure, as it seemed, was the following: the Turks would take a woman, undress her, putting aside her valuables, gang-rape her and the last one, who had her, would kill her or let her go, depending on his mood†. What McGahan does not note here is that the Turks were not alone in the slaughter of the rebels. They are aided by their helpers’, the local Pomak population, Greeks and other small ethnic groups. Thus, Christian Bulgarians fought for freedom, while Muslim Bulgarians took part in the massacre of their uprising. What could have possibly provoked someone to behave in such a way? According to Doinov et al. (2001, p.112), â€Å"the shown cruelty was an outburst of the deep national and religious hatred against the oppressed nationalities in the Ottoman Empire, that has been groomed and encouraged for centuries by the ruling powers†. However, something else was at work there too. Kemal Karpat (1990, p.136) explains that Balkan Muslims, although living in a hostile Christian European world, remained largely apolitical. However, their â€Å"passive cultural-religious consciousness was easily converted to a dynamic Muslim identity when the circumstances required†. Perhaps when Bulgarian Muslims were faced with an unconditional act of resistance in the â€Å"most dramatic form: suicide and self-martyrdom† (2000, p.3), those acted as catalyst and the Pomaks replied with repression and brutality. Ekaterina Peychinova, Director of the Museum of History in Batak describes what drove the oppressors mad: For three days and three nights the people inside the church held together, and the shooting outside did not stop for a minute. At the end of the third day they gave in and opened the gates of the church. But then they had only two options: either become Muslims or die. Every single one of them chose death. (cited in Ivanova, 2008, p.1) The horrific power of those events and the depth of feelings and emotions are overwhelming. Keeping in mind that Bulgarian Christians and Bulgarian Muslims are from the same ethnic origin and the same blood flows in their veins, have religious and cultural conversion, syncretism and assimilation have changed the latter so much that they could commit such acts and have identity switch over, allowing for full degradation of human values? This essay does not have the ambitious goal to answer all those questions. History gives the answers and it will do the same here too. Many years have gone since those ghastly days and Pomaks’ sense of cultural identity and national belonging has evolved and changed again as Bulgarian Muslims themselves were at the receiving end of numerous assimilation governmental campaigns and strategies from 1878 until now. Cultural identity and national belonging of Bulgarian Pomaks Due to the fact that the Bulgarian speaking Muslims took an active part in the suppressing the April uprising of 1876, they did not enjoy friendly treatment from their Christian neighbours. With the advancement of the Russian armies in 1878, retaliation began and a substantial part of the Pomaks immigrated to the Ottoman empire, refusing to live under the rule of the â€Å"giaurs† or infidels. Many others took part in the Rodopi mutiny and lived in the so-called Pomak republic for about eight years until 1886, when the participating villages were included in the Ottoman Empire but only until the Balkan wars (Todorva, 1998, p.9). Furthermore, in the Ottoman Population: 1830-1914 (1985, p.78), Kemal Karpat cites Ottoman statistics, indicating that the total population of the Empire rose by about 40% in the period 1860-1878 due to coercive measures by Russia and Bulgaria. He mentions that among the Balkan migrants there were large groups of Slavic-speaking Bosnians, Herzegovinians, Montenegrins and Pomaks with a negative sense of ethnic identity, as they considered themselves as Muslims but not Osmanlis (Turks). Thus, judging by the actions of the Pomaks, the question that must be asked here is: did the Pomaks have a Turkish or Bulgarian cultural and national identity at the end of the nineteen and beginning of twentieth century and is it possible to differentiate between religious and ethnic belonging? The Pomaks, who immigrated to the Ottoman Empire, had their cultural identity politicised and defined as Muslim and Turkish under the influence of the local political and ethnic culture (Karpat, 1990, p.137). Unfortunately, the Pomaks, who stayed in Bulgaria, did not have the opportunity to decide for themselves freely because during the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, they were subjected to a number of keen campaigns to accept and recognise them as part of the Bulgarian nation or â€Å"narod†, starting from 1920-s and continuing until the mid-80-s. In 1942, the first ever mass attempt to change the names of the Bulgarian Muslims to Bulgarian names took place. It was a result of the work of the Pomaks’ own organisation, called â€Å"Rodina† or Motherland. Consisting mainly of teachers, â€Å"Rodina† strove to improve the position of the Pomaks in Bulgarian society and to save them from the growing resentment and marginalisation. In the context of the Third Bulgarian Kingdom (1878 – 1944) and its nationalistic ambitions and assimilative tendencies, it is important to acknowledge here that Motherlands’ actions were justified in terms of seeking a national, cultural and linguistic unity of the Bulgarian society and the difficulties that the Pomaks could have faced, if tried to fit in that society. What is questionable here is the Pomaks desire to fit in. Although the Pomaks have, at that point, lost the very close contact with their original cultural authority, the Ottoman Empire, they were still in favour of their religious affiliation and were not willing to adapt to the fresh, language-based identity actively promoted by the modern Bulgarian state at that time (Todorova, 1998, p. 11). Another problem here is the attitude of the Christian Bulgarians, whose national consciousness was determined by religious and linguistic boundaries. Were they ready to forget the Ottoman rule and April 1876 and to accept the Pomaks as part of the Bulgarian nation and allow assimilation? Could adaptation and adoption take place and the complex issue of national identity, belonging and unity be resolved peacefully and once and for all? What is better: common national identity and national unity or multi-cultural society? During communist rule in the 1960-s, 1970-s and 1980-s, various Bulgarian governments tried to resolve the issue through numerous heavy-handed assimilation campaigns, when all Muslim names were changed to Bulgarian names, an attempt was made to form a united Bulgarian nation in order to neutralise nationalistic ambitions and claims from neighbouring Turkey. After the democratic reforms from 1989, all ethnic and religious groups in Bulgaria gained the freedom to self-identify themselves and promote their national and religious distinctiveness. All Muslim names were restored and seemingly the great effort to create a united Bulgarian national identity had ended. Hence, the national identity and cultural belonging of the Pomaks are somewhat fluid and non-defined, and the coming generations will have the chance to accomplish the process of integration or affiliation as they choose. It is, however, ultimate to accept the lessons of history and to abolish all attempts to forcefully create a single identity with identical religious or national characteristics. Cultural conversion through co-operation and co-existence is frequently welcome by small or big population groups, whilst conversion by pressure, conflict and aggressive assimilation is rejected and leads to confusion, hatred and frequently violent resistance. Conclusion In conclusion, it must be recognised here that the case of Bulgarian Muslims or Pomaks is of complex nature and the issue of defining their national identity and cultural belonging is still unresolved. There are many more questions to ask and answer and many more avenues to explore in order to establish which one of the national identity constituents is the most influential and possess the ultimate formative power. Consequently, it is the greatest regret of this work that it is impossible to analyse or develop fully all themes, ideas and debates in connection with the cultural identity, national belonging and self-perception of the Pomaks, when the number of words is restricted and there is lack of the research available. However, one humbly hopes to have offered here, merely an attempt of discussion on the important issues of cultural and religious identity and how they shape the very centre of the human concept of self. Finally, it must be emphasised here that the writing of this essay has been a vast learning experience for the author, an opportunity to study, investigate and explore the world of Bulgarian Muslims and be taught lessons that put historical and contemporary events into perspective. Bibliography Bulgarian Academy of Sciences (1982). History of Bulgaria. Sofia: BAN Press, vol. 3-7. Dimitrov, T. (2002). American witness. 3rd Ed. Geneva: Geneva press. Doinov, D., Jechev, N. 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